Teachers point to the end of the social pact, setback, deterioration of the State, perception of general dismantling and reforms in the spotlight
The economist Eduardo Fagnani, the historian Luiz Marques, the philosopher Roberto Romano and the political scientists Reginaldo Moraes and Sebastião Velasco e Cruz, all professors at Unicamp, evaluate the consequences of the disclosure of list by Minister Edson Fachin, rapporteur of Operation Lava Jato at the Federal Supreme Court (STF). Inquiries were opened against 8 ministers, 3 governors, 24 senators and 40 deputies.
EDUARDO FAGNANI, economist and professor at the Institute of Economics (IE) at Unicamp.
“Fachin’s list shows the crisis of a political system – these mechanisms for making politics – that date back to the military dictatorship. It turned out that the democratic transition was a decision agreed upon, including the political basis of the dictatorship. The amnesty ensured that these relationships, these ways of doing politics, were maintained. The characters are the same, they are all there. The regional oligarchs who died were replaced by their children and grandchildren. Everything remains intact. What we are seeing, in my point of view, reveals the underlying issue: without political reform it is very difficult to have any perspective going forward.
Certainly, political reform cannot be through Congress, it cannot go through the political system. How to govern the country with 30 parties, generally non-ideological, non-programmatic, just physiological? How can we ensure governance if not through exchanges that end up becoming business counters? This permeates the entire system. Contrary to what they have always said, corruption is not the privilege of a political party, nor of the federal government.
[About the impacts on reforms, such as Social Security]. I want to remember that we are in a country that has a democracy deficit, not a Social Security deficit – only 50 years of democracy out of 500. The president is impeached for an alleged economic crime, and assumes who we are seeing: a group of leaders, the starting with the president, involved in very serious allegations of corruption. The question that must be asked is: with the parliamentary coup, a government program began, synthesized by the “bridge to the future”, which was not legitimized by the polls. So that, in one year, under the pretext of fiscal adjustment, they simply destroyed the social pact signed with the 1988 Constitution.
What is the legitimacy of this government to make these changes? What is the legitimacy of this Congress – which has the presidents of the Chamber and the Senate, 40 deputies and 1/3 of the senators under suspicion – to implement at the drop of a hat an extreme liberal project, which will increase poverty and practically prohibit the future of the world? country towards a civilization standard? A citizen like me is absolutely adrift.”
LUIZ MARQUES, historian and professor at the Institute of Philosophy and Human Sciences (IFCH) at Unicamp.
“Romero Jucá summarized the essential meaning of the ongoing historical process: 'The government has to change to stop this bleeding” (“In recorded dialogues, Jucá speaks of a pact to stop the advance of Lava Jato', FSP, 23/V/2015). The 'bleeding', however, did not stop and, with the Temer government now under fire from investigations, the spell definitely turned against the PMDB and PSDB.
That said, as long as Temer remains instrumental to the establishment finance and agribusiness, should not fall. Dilma Rousseff, especially since 2012, has made the degradation of the biosphere advance at giant paces. With the Forest Code and her alliance with Kátia Abreu, she committed crimes against the forest that are, in my opinion, more serious, because more irreversible and more threatening to life on the planet, than the crimes of corruption that occupy the pages of newspapers . It is up to Temer to 'finish the work' she started, guaranteeing the devastating interests of agribusiness.
Here is your agenda:1) budget suffocation at the Ministry of the Environment; 2) impunity in relation to deforestation, which reached 7 thousand km2 only in the Amazon between August 2015 and July 2016; 3) impunity in relation to invasions of indigenous areas; 4) impunity in relation to the serial murder of environmental activists. According to the NGO Global Witness, 207 defenders of human rights, indigenous lands and forests were murdered between 2010 and 2015, a world record for Dilma. But Temer wants to break this record, as in 2016 alone, Pastoral da Terra recorded 61 similar murders; 5) impunity in relation to the mistreatment inflicted on animals, in relation to crimes against public health by slaughterhouses and in relation to the purchase of meat from farmers who deforested the Amazon (Operation Carne Fria); 6) new legislative agenda aimed at more expeditious environmental licensing processes, including the paving of roads such as BR-319 (Manaus-Porto Velho), with tremendous impacts on the forest; and 7) recategorization of protected areas, putting 1 million hectares of land in western Pará at risk (MP 756/2016 and MP 758/2016), etc.
These are the basic policies of the Temer government, which differ from Dilma's policies only in terms of their degree of destructiveness. And this is the lasting meaning of the 'reforms' in which his government is so committed, with the tacit or explicit support of the oracles of “economic growth”, according to which, as Celso Pastore stated, Temer is “getting the economy back on track” . Anyone who stays informed about the worsening and acceleration of ongoing socio-environmental crises knows where these paths lead us.”
REGINALDO MORAES, political scientist and professor at the Institute of Philosophy and Human Sciences (IFCH) at Unicamp.
“The so-called Fachin List is not that new. After all, these names were already circulating thanks to such leaks. And even Poliana should know that electoral campaigns receive money – declared or not – from contractors, suppliers to local, state and federal governments. Contractors have been helping government leaders since the dictatorship. And they continued in this direction, once the so-called 'democracy' was restored.
However, there is at least one new thing, the one that the popular voice points to when it says 'it's now official'. Effects and repercussions? They depend on who controls the interpretation of the facts – that is, who controls the infotainment agenda that we call the media. If this is how things are going, it is expected that a perception of general dismantling will spread. In other words, the erosion of the main political leaders and, also, the delegitimization of all representative institutions – executive, legislative.
The demoralization of the Audit Courts is also already underway, increasingly appearing as offices that sell sentences, to 'clean up' business or to remove rulers who are inconvenient to the de facto powers. The scenario of 'nothing is sustainable' or 'everything is rotten' cannot last long. The dismantling of the country makes room for 'heroic' solutions. There are already those who propose them. Will the infotainment chain encourage this 'appeal' to the savior of the homeland?
Another novelty on the list is an absence: is there no one from the Judiciary in the boxes? Which, even the stones know, is a joke. To complicate the scenario, the international situation is also one of increased uncertainty, with the election of Donald Trump. The Temer government's alignment with Hillary Clinton's candidacy was evident. Apparently, the negotiations for handing over the country were clearer. They are no longer.”
ROBERTO ROMANO, philosopher and professor at the Institute of Philosophy and Human Sciences (IFCH) at Unicamp.
“This is a tragedy that has been announced for a long time. The country is in a situation of almost illegality, with very little legitimate exercise of power, both in the Executive and Legislative branches, as well as in the Judiciary. There is a public debate that shouldn't exist, many talking judges. Unfortunately, in the last phase of Lava Jato and the crisis that followed Dilma's impeachment, judges frequented the media much more than artists. We live in a state of anomie. According to [Émile] Durkheim, when there are no norms in force, ethical norms and standards are not obeyed.
This list crowns a process of very large institutional lack of control. First, the leak, as Fachin didn't expect the list to be made public, he thought of a deadline for it. But the Estadão, having access, has already published. This comes to sanction anything-goes. The president cannot be questioned because he has the privilege of the position, but the entire Ministry is liquefying, there is no Ministry. The main names of the ministries are heavily implicated, which means the absolute reiteration of the lack of legitimacy and ethics, no one escapes, it is a merciless x-ray of the Brazilian political class.
Furthermore, the reactions are cynical, as always. There is a denial of minimum ethical standards of responsibility. Paulinho da Força says that whoever is on the list has prestige. It's atrociously cynical. They should all be covered in gray to explain what they did and are doing. Most analysts and the media are more concerned with reforms, missing things that come from this pernicious practice of buying votes, with billions in amendments to approve the pension reform and other reforms.
We are reaching the most catastrophic result of the Brazilian political model, which is the general rotting of the Brazilian State. There is not much light after this situation. This monstrous step on the list heralds the unprecedented collapse of what remained of the STF's legitimacy. It is the announcement of the end of times, of the apocalypse. We need a radical change, a new Constitution and a new model of State”.
SEBASTIÃO VELASCO E CRUZ, political scientist and professor at the Institute of Philosophy and Human Sciences (IFCH) at Unicamp.
“I was wondering why the news on TV about the list didn't cause me much shock. In part, I imagine, because it was expected, its release having been postponed due to the accident that killed Teori Zavascki. Without a doubt, the publication of the list of denounced politicians - including 9 ministers, 29 senators and 42 deputies - has an impact, but it is worth remembering that the progress of investigations and possible processes will follow the rhythm of the PGR and the STF, which is an unknown.
What we have, in fact, is the confluence of three calendars: 1) that of the investigation, which will or will not result in indictments; 2) voting on reforms, such as Social Security, which are difficult because they violate social rights and are very unpopular; and, finally, 3) the 2018 general elections.
The government's effort will undoubtedly be to vote on the reforms as soon as possible. Some members of their parliamentary base even consider closing the issue, which sounds absurd, because party leaders are immersed in denunciations and have no legitimacy to decide on their own about changes to the Constitution. .
I believe that the progress of reforms – and their consequences – is conditioned on the mobilization of society in defense of threatened rights. This could have an effect on the entire political game. Deputies and senators will think long and hard before approving reforms that alienate them from the electorate, as they run the risk of being disenfranchised by voting in 2018, losing their privileged forum.
This is important because, in the absence of this, they will be subject to processes where the degree of uncertainty is enormous. In fact, in Brazil we have a system in which the law is worth very little, especially in the last three, four years. The laws are written, but their meaning is constantly redefined by the free and “creative” interpretation of the state officials responsible for applying them.
This fact has become a crucial aspect of the crisis we are experiencing in Brazil. The situation is very confused, precisely because the Judiciary, which should be a decisive element in the solution, has become an – essential – part of the problem”.
THE LIST
Senator of the Republic Romero Jucá Filho (PMDB-RR)
Senator Aécio Neves da Cunha (PSDB-MG)
Senator of the Republic Renan Calheiros (PMDB-AL)
Minister of the Civil House Eliseu Lemos Padilha (PMDB-RS)
Minister of Science and Technology Gilberto Kassab (PSD)
Senator of the Republic Fernando Bezerra Coelho (PSB-PE)
Federal Deputy Paulinho da Força (SD-SP)
Federal Deputy Marco Maia (PT-RS)
Federal Deputy Carlos Zarattini (PT-SP)
Federal Deputy Rodrigo Maia (DEM-RM), president of the Chamber
Federal deputy João Carlos Bacelar (PR-BA)
Federal deputy Milton Monti (PR-SP)
Governor of the State of Alagoas Renan Filho (PMDB)
Minister of the General Secretariat of the Presidency of the Republic Wellington Moreira Franco (PMDB)
Minister of Culture Roberto Freire (PPS)
Minister of Cities Bruno Cavalcanti de Araújo (PSDB-PE)
Minister of Foreign Affairs Aloysio Nunes Ferreira (PSDB)
Minister of Industry, Foreign Trade and Services Marcos Antônio Pereira (PRB)
Minister of Agriculture, Livestock and Supply Blairo Borges Maggi (PP)
Minister of State for National Integration, Helder Barbalho (PMDB)
Senator of the Republic Paulo Rocha (PT-PA)
Senator Humberto Sérgio Costa Lima (PT-PE)
Senator of the Republic Edison Lobão (PMDB-PA)
Senator of the Republic Cássio Cunha Lima (PSDB-PB)
Senator of the Republic Jorge Viana (PT-AC)
Senator of the Republic Lidice da Mata (PSB-BA)
Senator of the Republic José Agripino Maia (DEM-RN)
Senator of the Republic Marta Suplicy (PMDB-SP)
Senator of the Republic Ciro Nogueira (PP-PI)
Senator of the Republic Dalírio José Beber (PSDB-SC)
Senator of the Republic Ivo Cassol
Senator Lindbergh Farias (PT-RJ)
Senator of the Republic Vanessa Grazziotin (PCdoB-AM)
Senator of the Republic Kátia Regina de Abreu (PMDB-TO)
Senator of the Republic Fernando Afonso Collor de Mello (PTC-AL)
Senator of the Republic José Serra (PSDB-SP)
Senator of the Republic Eduardo Braga (PMDB-AM)
Senator Omar Aziz (PSD-AM)
Senator of the Republic Valdir Raupp
Senator Eunício Oliveira (PMDB-CE)
Senator of the Republic Eduardo Amorim (PSDB-SE)
Senator Maria do Carmo Alves (DEM-SE)
Senator of the Republic Garibaldi Alves Filho (PMDB-RN)
Senator of the Republic Ricardo Ferraço (PSDB-ES)
Federal Deputy José Carlos Aleluia (DEM-BA)
Federal Deputy Daniel Almeida (PCdoB-BA)
Federal Deputy Mário Negromonte Jr. (PP-BA)
Federal Deputy Nelson Pellegrino (PT-BA)
Federal Deputy Jutahy Júnior (PSDB-BA)
Federal Deputy Maria do Rosário (PT-RS)
Federal Deputy Felipe Maia (DEM-RN)
Federal Deputy Ônix Lorenzoni (DEM-RS)
Federal Deputy Jarbas de Andrade Vasconcelos (PMDB-PE)
Federal Deputy Vicente “Vicentinho” Paulo da Silva (PT-SP)
Federal Deputy Arthur Oliveira Maia (PPS-BA)
Federal Deputy Yeda Crusius (PSDB-RS)
Federal Deputy Paulo Henrique Lustosa (PP-CE)
Federal Deputy José Reinaldo (PSB-MA), for facts from when he was governor of Maranhão
Federal Deputy João Paulo Papa (PSDB-SP)
Federal Deputy Vander Loubet (PT-MS)
Federal Deputy Rodrigo Garcia (DEM-SP)
Federal Deputy Cacá Leão (PP-BA)
Federal Deputy Celso Russomano (PRB-SP)
Federal Deputy Dimas Fabiano Toledo (PP-MG)
Federal Deputy Pedro Paulo (PMDB-RJ)
Federal deputy Lúcio Vieira Lima (PDMB-BA)
Federal Deputy Paes Landim (PTB-PI)
Federal Deputy Daniel Vilela (PMDB-GO)
Federal Deputy Alfredo Nascimento (PR-AM)
Federal Deputy Zeca Dirceu (PT-SP)
Federal Deputy Betinho Gomes (PSDB-PE)
Federal Deputy Zeca of PT (PT-MS)
Federal Deputy Vicente Cândido (PT-SP)
Federal Deputy Júlio Lopes (PP-RJ)
Federal Deputy Fábio Faria (PSD-RN)
Federal Deputy Heráclito Fortes (PSB-PI)
Federal Deputy Beto Mansur (PRB-SP)
Federal Deputy Antônio Brito (PSD-BA)
Federal Deputy Décio Lima (PT-SC)
Federal Deputy Arlindo Chinaglia (PT-SP)
Minister of the Court of Auditors of União Vital do Rêgo Filho
Governor of the State of Rio Grande do Norte Robinson Faria (PSD)
Governor of the State of Acre Tião Viana (PT)
Municipal Mayor of Mossoró/RN Rosalba Ciarlini (PP), former governor of the State
Valdemar da Costa Neto (PR)
Luís Alberto Maguito Vilela, former Senator of the Republic and Municipal Mayor of Aparecida de Goiânia between 2012 and 2014
Edvaldo Pereira de Brito, then candidate for the position of senator for Bahia in the 2010 elections
Oswaldo Borges da Costa, former president of the Minas Gerais Economic Development Company/Codemig
Senator Antônio Anastasia (PSDB-MG)
Cândido Vaccarezza (former PT federal deputy)
Guido Mantega (former minister)
César Maia (DEM), councilor and former mayor of Rio de Janeiro and former federal deputy
Paulo Bernardo da Silva, then Minister of State
Eduardo Paes (PMDB), former mayor of Rio de Janeiro
Dirceu
State Representative in Santa Catarina Ana Paula Lima (PT-SC)
Márcio Toledo, fundraiser for Senator Suplicy's campaigns
Napoleão Bernardes, Municipal Mayor of Blumenau/SC
João Carlos Gonçalves Ribeiro, who was then Secretary of Planning for the State of Rondônia
Lawyer Ulisses César Martins de Sousa, at the time Attorney General of the State of Maranhão
Rodrigo de Holanda Menezes Jucá, then candidate for vice-governor of Roraima, son of Romer Jucá
Paulo Vasconcelos, Aécio's marketer
Eron Bezerra, husband of Senator Grazziotin
Moisés Pinto Gomes, husband of senator Kátia Abreu, in whose name he received the resources
Humberto Kasper
Marco Arildo Prates da Cunha
Vado da Famárcia, former mayor of Cabo de Santo Agostinho
Jose Feliciano
Source: The State of S. Paul