Work mobilizes diverse perspectives to value new narratives as a form of knowledge
We know that the study of history and other subjects at school is based on mostly Eurocentric narratives. Consciously or unconsciously, this shapes our worldview. Studying Western history is, of course, not a problem. The problem is prioritizing the study of the humanities only from this perspective, validating it as the only true one and excluding others. This contributes to us remaining ignorant about so many cultures.
This ignorance is the basis for prejudices to be socially widespread; after all, looking at others as outsiders or intruders prevents their worldview from being respected. Multiplicity enriches democracy. Recognizing and taking into account multiple perspectives – from black, indigenous and gypsy people, historically oppressed – is essential for racism to begin to be abolished more effectively, thus planting the seeds of a truly more democratic future.
Attentive to the breadth of narratives of oppressed peoples and the way in which they expand the reach of anti-racism in political and educational actions, the work Narratives of (re)existence: anti-racism, history and education formulates a broad argument in favor of a future of more diversity in knowledge. Editora da Unicamp spoke with the organizer of the work, historian and professor Amilcar Pereira.
Unicamp publisher: The work mobilizes dozens of prominent subjects: from gypsy, indigenous and black leaders to important names in contemporary Brazilian literature, such as Conceição Evaristo. What was the process of organizing such a large work like? How did the network of contacts expand to the point of mobilizing so many people?
Amilcar Pereira: The idea to organize the book emerged during an event held in 2019 at the Faculty of Education at UFRJ, the XIII Southeast Regional Meeting of Oral History, of the Brazilian Association of Oral History (ABHO), where most of the authors presented the results of their research in round tables and conferences . I was the coordinator of the event, which was very rich in debates and reflections. We have been thrilled since the Opening Conference, given by the brilliant Conceição Evaristo.
A fellow historian, Ana Carolina Maciel, who is a professor at Unicamp, suggested that I put together those powerful reflections in a book and send it to the Unicamp Editor for evaluation. Some important themes, such as anti-racism from the perspectives of indigenous populations in Brazil or gypsy populations in Europe, were not in the event's original program. Therefore, I decided to invite experts on the topics, such as Felipe Milanez, from UFBA, and Silvia Maeso, from the University of Coimbra, to collaborate with us on an even broader book. I also thought it was important to invite some national references in the discussion about anti-racism in Brazil, such as professor emeritus at UFMG and former minister Nilma Lino Gomes and philosopher Renato Noguera. They further enriched our book with their texts, written in partnership with colleagues from their universities. I was fortunate to be able to bring together, in this book, people that I greatly admire, brilliant intellectuals who are references in their fields.
Unicamp publisher: The second block of the book is dedicated to narratives of (re)existence, treating narrative as evidence. What does it mean, in a historiographical sense, to approach a narrative as evidence? How and in what instances in society can this contribute to anti-racism?
Amilcar Pereira: I will answer this question using an excerpt from the preface written by the great historian Sidney Chalhoub, another intellectual that I admire and who agreed to enrich our book. He says that the historiographic narrative needs to be written “with true statements – that is, with statements whose plausibility can be supported by a discourse of demonstration and proof, by the systematic effort of presenting evidence, by procedures informed by criticism, by methodical doubt, due to the possibility of error and course correction”. What we see today, in what many call “narrative wars”, is, unfortunately, the opposite of what Sidney Chalhoub says. There are many biased “versions” about various historical facts, presented without any commitment to the truth or existing historical evidence.
Due to the racism that historically structures inequalities in Brazil, the narratives of (re)existence produced by the black population in their experience of struggles, first for freedom, since being brought enslaved from Africa, and then against racism in the post-Abolition period , are not widely known even in basic education schools. Brazilian education is still Eurocentric, the historical experience of the Western European population and their descendants is at the center of school curricula, which fuels racism in society. But the historical narratives of the black population, which have been produced in recent decades “as evidence”, according to what Sidney Chalhoub teaches us, and also professor Verena Alberti in her chapter in the book, are fundamental parts of the History of Brazil and they need to be in schools and universities. This is necessary to educate Brazilian society in a democratic perspective, which includes in the educational process, in all disciplinary areas, and in terms of equality, all ethnic and racial matrices that historically form Brazilian society.
Unicamp publisher: The current government constantly creates barriers for anti-racist education to take effect. What are the biggest difficulties in building an anti-racist and more democratic education? On the other hand, what achievements in its favor have already been established?
Amilcar Pereira: I think that the biggest difficulty for an anti-racist and truly democratic education in Brazil is still the existence of racism, which, although evident in some actions of the current government, is something that permeates the entire process of formation of Brazilian society. It is not easy to break with the historic Eurocentrism of Brazilian education, for example. As I said, Eurocentrism in education fuels racism, and vice versa.
But, as a historian who has studied anti-racism in Brazil for around two decades, I can say that we are moving forward as a society, towards building a more democratic education, thanks to the historical actions of the Brazilian black movement and indigenous movements. The creation of Federal Law 10.639/03, which made the teaching of African and Afro-Brazilian history and cultures mandatory, updated by Federal Law 11.645/08, which included indigenous histories and cultures, as well as state and federal laws that created quotas for black and indigenous people in public universities, they are achievements of the black movement and indigenous movements. Sectors of Brazilian universities have been in dialogue with social movements and, thanks to quota policies, there are today a large number of black and indigenous people in universities producing narratives of (re)existence with all the necessary academic quality and with a commitment to consolidation of democracy in Brazil. An incredible example, in this sense, was the occupation of press vehicles carried out by the Network of Black Historians and Historians (RHN), on November 20, marking the 50th anniversary of Black Consciousness Day, a struggle of the Brazilian black movement since 1971. This made it possible to publish 45 unpublished articles in dozens of printed newspapers, websites and magazines such as The Globe, Time, UOL and Folha de S. Paul, all written by black historians. An unprecedented event in its scope and social impact, which highlights the production of narratives of (re)existence by the black population and contributes to the education of Brazilian society on ethnic-racial relations.
Service:
Narratives of (re)existence: Anti-racism, history and education
Organizer: Amilcar Araujo Pereira
Edition: 1a
Year: 2021
ISBN: 978‑65‑862-538‑94
Pages: 320 p.
Dimensions: 16 x 23 cm
